Susan Kokinda argues that Trump is dismantling a global financier system by restoring American economic and political sovereignty.
This episode frames today’s geopolitical struggle as a continuation of America’s original fight against the British Empire, with the City of London and its global financier network now acting as the modern imperial center. Susan Kokinda argues that Trump is the first U.S. president in generations to seriously disrupt this system by targeting both its narco-finance underbelly—drug cartels as extensions of global capital routed through places like Venezuela and offshore havens—and its economic control mechanisms at home. She presents Trump’s new National Security Strategy as a genuine economic revolution that makes reindustrialization, reshoring, skilled-trade jobs, strong families, and broadly shared prosperity the core of national security. Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent is portrayed as central to this shift, using Treasury’s national-security power to wage financial war on illicit money flows while channeling trillions in foreign investment into productive U.S. industries as a practical alternative to Fed-centric financialization. Globally, Kokinda sees a quiet realignment in which the U.S., Russia, China, and India increasingly act as sovereign peers outside the “rules-based order,” while warning that the decisive fight is domestic: the next year and the midterms will determine whether Trump keeps enough congressional backing to continue dismantling the globalist system or whether the financier elite reassert control.
“The real war on drugs has got to be against these financier interests—and Wall Street and London have never wanted a war on drugs.”
“We made an economic revolution as much as we did a political revolution. The national bank was subservient to the nation—not private bankers.”
“Everything was financialized… everything tied to some parasite which just sucked everything out of it.”
“Trump is the first major disruption of this imperial system—and they are obviously not amused.”
“Forty to fifty percent of what I do as Treasury Secretary is national security.”
“The future belongs to makers. The United States will reindustrialize its economy and reshore production.”
“The next year is the equivalent of what Lincoln had to do to win the Civil War.”
“You’re watching a quiet strategic realignment—nation to nation to nation—outside the globalist order.”
Kokinda casts the Trump presidency as a rare inflection point in which the United States has a chance to break from a centuries-old, City-of-London–centered financial empire by reasserting national sovereignty over money, industry, and security. In her telling, Trump’s agenda—destroying narco-finance pipelines, rebuilding the physical economy, empowering workers and families, and realigning with other sovereign powers on a nation-to-nation basis—amounts to the most serious challenge to the globalist order since the American Revolution and Lincoln’s Civil War victory. But she insists that none of it is guaranteed: the real battlefield is political, especially over the next year and the midterms, where control of Congress will decide whether this economic and strategic reordering continues or gets strangled by the same elite interests it threatens. Her call to listeners is to get informed, stay focused on substance over social-media drama, and actively engage in defense of this project before the window closes.
0:00 - Intro
0:50 - City of London thesis
5:13 - Venezuela
9:41 - Extent of CoL influence
13:55 - Bitkey & Obscura
16:03 - European digital ID
19:36 - Media role and national strategy
26:16 - The coalition against CoL
32:21 - Unchained & SLNT
33:48 - Trump’s new cabinet
44:49 - Make or break situation
51:30 - Susan’s background
(00:00) The first major disruption of all of that is Donald Trump. But he's also not alone. Obviously, Russia under Putin, they're acting in the interest of Russia, not in the interest of a global finance or elite. We made an economic revolution as much as we did a political revolution. We created a national bank that began the process where everything was financialized.
(00:17) Everything was simply then tied to some parasite which just sucked everything out of it. If you think about the naroterrorists as part of this global financier elite, the real war on drugs has got to be against these financier interests. and Wall Street and London have never wanted a war on drugs. The American people, not foreign nations or globalist institutions, will control their own destiny.
(00:36) To that point, like how critical is this next year? Is it make or break? I mean, I think this is the equivalent of what Lincoln had to do to win the Civil War. Susan Kindo, welcome to the show. Thanks for having me. Looking forward to it. Uh, like I was saying right before we hit record, I very much am looking forward to this.
(01:03) Uh, as I was explaining, we've had a recurring guest on, Tom Lango, who's very passionate about the city of London and the fact that most people have not diagnosed the city of London as the the problem of uh, geopolitics today of of global control. you've been on this subject uh for quite a while and have been putting out incredible content about how it pertains to what's happening in the world today.
(01:29) But first, I think just to give a highle synopsis of the city of London thesis um their control over the global economy and political affairs for the last 300 years and then we can pull it forward to today and what's happening. Sure. I mean, I think the the the fastest way for people to think about this is just think about what we fought the American Revolution against. Um, we fought it against a British Empire.
(01:56) Now, what was that British Empire? Well, the British Empire was very much dominated by two institutions, the Bank of England uh and the British East India Company. um both of which represented kind of like the modern cotification of imperialism where you have private financial interests who actually have more power than the nominal governments.
(02:20) Now it gets a little different when you have monarchies but essentially you know when you look looking up the British Empire you look at the you you look at the monarchy and and all of the institutions that are connected to that. You know, I I always remind people uh for those of us who, you know, remember the old James Bond series, on Her Majesty's Secret Service, On Her Majesty's Secret Service, who runs MI6? It's not the government, it's not the parliament, but you have this complex of things which includes the Bank of England, um the British intelligence services, but then the city of London itself is this unique incorporated
(02:56) entity of I don't remember how many square miles which has its own independent existence and it is where the major financial flows of the world you know go through. So when when you look at that that complex, this is what we actually fought the American Revolution against because their intention is we're going to keep everybody under our control, your financial flows and by the way through perpetual wars.
(03:27) Um and uh you know and get them pitted against each other and they have no place else to go for finances other than these private central banks or the institutions that are tied to the city of London. Um and then the upstart Americans came along and said no we don't like that. Uh we want to we want to be sovereign. We want to be sovereign politically. We want to be sovereign economically.
(03:46) And one of the most important things that we did which was really quite a a as much we made an economic revolution as much as we did a political revolution. We created a national bank where the nation was not subservient to private bankers but the national bank was subservient to the interests of the nation.
(04:05) And of course that went by the way um in in various iterations and then we ended up with our own central bank in 1913. So when you think city of London, think about this entire imperial complex which is no different again than what we fought the American Revolution against.
(04:28) And is it safe to assume that today in 2025 we are fighting yet another revolution? It's not only us this time around, but it's more uh behind the scenes than it was in 1776. Yeah. You know, most people in the MAGA movement and more broadly think of it from the standpoint of globalists and globalization. Well, that's there's nothing wrong with that. That's a that's a good generic title for it.
(04:52) But the brand name is go back to the British Empire and then trace the institutions that they created that still exist to this day in terms of foreign policy, in terms of central banking institutions, in terms of intelligence agencies. and you'll see what it is we and Donald Trump are essentially fighting against.
(05:14) Well, let's dive into current events. There's a lot of activity off the coast of Venezuela. As we were discussing before we hit record, um there is a new sort of economic policy that was that was released earlier today really focusing on the Western Hemisphere. If you look at the mainstream media, a lot of the pundits are opining about e extra extrajudicial bombing of narco terrorists and that not being okay uh war has not been officially waged through through Congress and so this is a bad thing. How does this all pertain to this uh
(05:53) interccoabal squabble if you will between uh the west, the United States, the the Trump administration who would like the US to be sovereign economically and geopolitically and the city of London. Well, this actually gets to the core of a very important aspect of this um because what you're dealing with there there's one more iteration, shall we say, of the city of London, and that's international drug trafficking.
(06:20) Um, you know, historically people are familiar with Britain's opium wars against China, which were used politically to to to basically, you know, make China subservient to them. Uh, but also financially because there are huge dark money flows tied to the international drug trade in the trillions and trillions of dollars.
(06:45) Um, and what you've seen emerging in South and Central America with Venezuela as a key nodal point in all of this is one of these these these nodal points for what we call Dope Incorporated. Um, the the especially the the one of one of the key transit points for a lot of this dirty money going back to the 70s and 80s and so on has been Britain's offshore Caribbean islands.
(07:14) you know, totally deregulated, no transparency, you know, you can drive a gorilla of dirty money through these things and nobody will ever know it. So, you've had this huge underbelly of the global financeier elite, in particular, the British side of it. And what you find in countries like Venezuela and other countries which to one degree or another, you know, are are in contention with literally a narot terrorist government.
(07:43) I mean, if you if you think about this, if you think about the narot terrorists, not a bunch of guys from South America who are making money, you know, shipping fentinyl and cocaine into the United States, but as part of this global financeier elite, you know, this just happens to be their Latin or Central American division of it.
(08:03) You're literally dealing with what is the equivalent of an entire foreign entity down there. Um, you know, I've often said, you know, people say, well, we've had failed wars on drugs. No, we haven't. We've never fought one because the real war on drugs has got to be against these financier interests, but of course, they don't function without the actual drugs flow of drugs as well.
(08:28) Um, and the and Wall Street and London have never wanted a war on drugs, which is why we've never had a serious one. Um, and that is what I think Trump is targeting. And this is a war and it's a war in which there have been hundreds and hundreds and hundreds of thousands of American casualties.
(08:48) Um so he's declared this to be a national emergency. He's declared these narot terrorist gangs to be just that. Um and of course you have you know the entire anti-Trump opposition which you know never seemed to notice how many innocent civilians Barack Obama droned when he was president of the United States.
(09:10) you know, including infamous situations where they'd go in and they'd drone a wedding and then they'd go back in and they'd drone the first responders. You know, hundreds and hundreds of civilians and women and children were killed by Barack Obama in much less clear circumstances than what we're dealing with right now, which is a foreign foreign financed and directed assault against the very lives of the American people.
(09:36) So, uh, this really does go to the heart as much as anything of the city of London. Well, to that point, how much influence has the city of London had on domestic politics here in the United States as it pertains to Venezuela? There's been a I wouldn't even consider them headlines.
(09:58) There's been a lot of theories about the the voting technology and the servers um that were sort of storing the votes being being located in Venezuela. Obviously, the deep state as a concept uh particularly the CIA and FBI colluding with with foreign interests to to get certain things done has been a long running theory.
(10:18) How much of this from your perspective is actually happening and how is it happening? I'm I'm not ready to say from my own investigations and personal experience how much of that is actually run through foreign countries. I mean, I'm politically active here in Michigan. After the 2020 election, I got very much involved in election integrity efforts here in Michigan because it was pretty obvious what happened here at the infamous TCF center.
(10:45) And the work that I've done over the years in terms of this, the vote stealing is primarily the absentee ballots. It's not gremlins in the machines and, you know, international information packets coming from Serbia or Venezuela. Is there something there? There could be. I don't think it's the most fundamental part.
(11:06) I think the most important thing for people to think about is the way that this imperial system, this British imperial system has infected most of our institutions since the beginning of the 20th century. So it's not like you have to draw a direct coneto between this event and here's the address in London, but just look at how our entire foreign policy establishment for over 100 years has been inculcated in British imperial thinking.
(11:36) You know, the British recognized that the United States was becoming a powerful force coming out of the Civil War um and going into the turn of the 20th century. They took care of some of our power by assassinating our best presidents like Abraham Lincoln and William McKinley.
(11:56) But at that point they recognized even with that we were becoming an industrial power. Other nations around the world. Nations like Russia, Germany, Japan, China and many others were modeling themselves on the American system and not the British system. And the British said, "Well, we're going to have to figure out how to capture the United States intellectually.
(12:15) " And you see the subversion of our education institutions. You see obvious institutions like the council on foreign relations which was founded in 1922 as a direct outgrowth of the British roundt. And the British round table was very clear along with the Cecil roads will have to bring the United States back into the imperial fold. We're going to figure out how to do that.
(12:36) So they started setting up institution after institution in the United States to just get us to do our their bidding because they had corrupted the way we thought. And Donald Trump came along in 2016 and began to disrupt that. And he came back in 2024 and he's really disrupting that. Yeah.
(13:00) As it pertains to the uh Council on Foreign Relations, I think when US A got decimated in the beginning of this administration, it was astonishing. I think the the um sort of meeting Zoom recordings leaked a couple of months ago, but it was kind of uh kind of a appalling may not be the right word, but it was very very uh it was astonishing how emboldened they were basically saying we can despite what's happening to us a we can we can act uh sort of above that we are coordinating to make sure that this isn't really a big disruption to what we're doing here.
(13:34) Yeah, I mean I think it has disrupted a lot of what they're doing. And if you go back to the Venez Venezuela situation, if you actually disrupt the global drug trade, you are going to be disrupting even more of the financial flows that this apparatus depends on. So Trump is a gigantic disruptor at this point and they are obviously not amused.
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(16:06) shifting uh before we come back to the national security strategy that was just released. I mean shifting to Europe too, looking at what's happening there in terms of digital ID, the increase in censorship, it seems apparent um if we're um running down this thesis and using this as the core framework from which we view the world.
(16:24) It seems that the city of London has very tight control over Europe uh the continent of Europe. And I look as a westerner, as a United States citizen, at what's happening in Germany, UK, Ireland, and and completely dumbfounded by what's happening, particularly with censorship laws uh in this push.
(16:46) Now we have the UK uh trying to sue X for speech that that people are putting on this American company's platform. Uh what what is the state of Europe and can they get out of this? Europe gave up its sovereignty with the EU. Um I mean that was a grand experiment uh which the globalists succeeded in imposing on these countries.
(17:09) Uh so you you I mean when you're looking at the EU you're basically looking at just a bunch of political political and economic colonies for that matter with the exception of a few countries. I mean obviously as we know there are a few countries in Europe like Hungary and Slovakia and others who are you know kicking back and have more of a a national or sovereign kind of approach.
(17:34) Um but uh you know and sometimes it gets people get a little confused. Well the the British got out of Brexit so you know is aren't they different? Not really. um you know they're they're perfectly capable of manipulating institutions uh whether they're directly in them or not in them and obviously the as you pointed out the policies being implemented in terms of digital ID surveillance destruction of economies green policies it's all of a piece whether it's whether it's the British or whether it's the European Union um you know and and from inside the west again the first major disrup corruption of all
(18:13) of that is Donald Trump. And um but he's also not alone because obviously Russia under Putin has very much of a a national sovereign kind of policy uh where they're acting in the interests of Russia, not in the interest of oligarchs, not in the interest of a global finance elite.
(18:36) And you know Trump's approach is uh as long as you're acting in the interest of your country and not somebody else, I can work with you. And in a sense, that's the difference between a country that you may have an adversarial kind of relationship with, whether it's economically or strategically, like North Korea or China, where their leaders are more or less acting in the interests of their country as they perceive it.
(19:01) And a place like Maduro, where I don't think Maduro is acting on behalf of Venezuelans. I think he's an arm of this naroterrorist uh uh uh you know apparatus which owes its allegiance to uh which owes its allegiance basically to this British imperial elite. So that that that's how Trump looks at things. If you're a sovereign nation, I can work with you.
(19:26) If you're acting under your own interests, we may have problems and it may take a while to work them out, but that's okay. I can work with you. But if you're just a tool of this global financier elite, it's going to be very different. How does the media play into all this? Because if you if you read the tea leaves of mainstream media, they are uh very adamant that uh Trump too is a is an abject disaster.
(19:53) And if we're polling public sentiment, um obviously there's a contingent of Americans who think he's doing a good job. there's also a contingent who voted for him think he's not doing enough. How would you um basically describe what he's done so far in the context of this framework and what would you say to people and how would you set their expectations? I think well I think the most important thing uh that that is is not getting across through the media whether it's the hostile mainstream media or I'll call the controlled opposition like Fox you know media and so on which quote supports Trump up to a point but they still want war with Russia they still
(20:30) want war with China they still love Wall Street you know and so on um so I think what is not getting out although I think I've seen I there's definitely a shift since the the uh off your elections back at the beginning of the month in the administration is getting across to people the importance of the revolutionary change in economic policy that Trump is carrying out.
(20:57) Um and and I will get to the the national uh security strategy which was just announced this morning because I I encourage everybody to read it. It's 33 pages. uh you know just stop doom scrolling for a half an hour and read it um because you will be shocked by how much of it is about economic policy and I'm going to read one one section of it.
(21:20) I I haven't even had a chance to read the whole thing myself because I've been jumping from this to that. Um but this part friend of mine sent to me. He said this is our national security strategy. Okay. We want a gainfully employed citizenry with no one sitting on the sidelines who takes satisfaction from knowing that their work is essential to the prosperity of our nation and to the well-being of individuals and families.
(21:47) This cannot be accomplished without growing numbers of strong traditional families that raise healthy children. And then the next section is pro-American worker. American policy must be proworker, not merely progrowth. and it will prioritize our own workers. We must rebuild a uh an economy in which prosperity is broadly based and widely shared, not concentrated at the top or localized in certain industries or a few parts of our country. That's really quite stunning.
(22:19) And if you look at the whole of what Trump is doing and and you can get a good handle of it if you watch the cabinet meeting from the other day and I also recommend stop doom scrolling and just go watch the whole cabinet meeting. I mean you know put it on two times speed if you have to.
(22:37) But um you're going to hear a team which is engaged in something that we have not seen in the United States in at least the post-war period which as is the the revival of our physical economy at the expense of the financier parasites of which city of London is first among equals and just a forced march of getting investment back in to manufacturing infra infrastructure, energy, and creating the kind of good paying jobs where one income can raise a family.
(23:14) Um e everything including setting up the skilled trades apprenticeship programs so we can upskill the population and people can go out and get those kinds of jobs instead of being Uber drivers. Trump sees this as our national security policy and he's absolutely right.
(23:33) And I think the more people understand this is where we're going and it may not all be tangible in 2025 and a lot of it might not be tangible say in the first quarter of 2026. I think more of it is going to become tangible by the second and the third quarters. But whether you see the man manufacturing jobs spring up in your community or not, people have to understand this is a revolution as big as anything we've had since Abraham Lincoln or George Washington.
(24:02) Well, it's very refreshing to hear that and it's stunning that it is stunning to hear something like that come out of a national uh strategic security uh memo because it seems pretty straightforward throughout. The whole thing is just infused with this. Here's another one. The future belongs to makers. The United States will re-industrialize its economy, reshore industrial production, encourage and attract investment in our workforce. And then it goes on. Well, we've been we've been led to believe that we can't do it.
(24:33) We don't have we don't have the intellectual capital. We don't have the uh raw materials, resources, and the economy has been built in such a way over the last five decades that we're just not built for it, which I think that last point is certainly true. But I think it comes with this this assumption that we can't revert to an industrialized right economy, which I find very hard to believe.
(24:57) And it was deliberate, you know, and if we want to get back to the city of London, you know, a key nodal point in the post-war period was 1971 when Nixon took the dollar off the gold reserve standard and we ended Bretton Woods. Why did he do that? Because the dollar was under tremendous pressure by the British.
(25:15) Now, there was probably another way out, but you know, I wasn't there. I was very young. Um and and Nixon relied on you know the people who had been trained in British imperial financial thinking whether they were conservative or liberal. So he made he took that step and that began the process where everything was financialized. You know our currency was financialized. It was no longer a sovereign currency.
(25:39) Then everything else became an income stream. Healthcare, manufacturing, transportation, energy. It was no longer you no longer organized your economy to increase these kinds of physical e activities. Everything was simply then tied to some parasite which just sucked everything out of it.
(25:59) And of course free trade was the next nodal point in terms of it. So we by surrendering to city of London policies hollowed out our economy and left us where we are today. But there's no reason we can't rebuild it. Um, and that's what this administration is committed to doing. And you touched on um the sort of position of the Trump administration, which was like, hey, if you're a sovereign nation that is truly looking after the interest of your nation itself and not being influenced by outside forces, we're willing to work with you. And I watched your most recent video
(26:33) that you put on YouTube and you were talking about this uh these nuclear uh related meetings that were happening uh around the world uh over the last last week. What is what happened and what is the um profoundity of of what actually happened? Well, if if you stop and you think about what is the combination of economic, strategic and political power that could actually challenge this city of London centered imperial bmoth.
(27:12) Um I would say it's four countries, the United States, Russia, China, and India. So what happened this week? Uh you had Trump's team Wit Cough and C uh Kushner in Moscow meeting with Putin in a five-hour meeting and some of that meeting was definitely about economic policy, not just trying to work out the details and the nuances of the Ukraine mess.
(27:33) Simultaneously, you have the Chinese foreign minister Wong Yi meeting with Sergey Lavough, his counterpart in Russia. Um you know, as I said in my my show, was this coordinated? I don't know but the strategic optics are pretty clear. There are the three superpower th those three superpowers and then what's happened over the last couple of days Putin is in India.
(27:54) Now you know the people who like to play geopolitics make sure the superpowers are always at each other's throats are going to say oh well China was in Russia because Russia wants to have some kind of counterweight against the United States or Putin is in India and India is having trade conflicts with Trump and they're playing that. I don't see it that way.
(28:15) I I see this kind of Trumpian world where these major sovereign nations are working things out amongst themselves and it has nothing to do with the rules-based globalist order. It has nothing to do with London, Europe, the city of London, the international financier elite that you know you actually are getting the kind of dialogue you need among these especially these four nations which ultimately can be the bull work of both the political, economic and strategic reconfiguration of the world.
(28:50) But again, not on some block. You know, that's my problem with the bricks. You know, it's this block of countries. And I was on a show the other day and somewhat contentious with somebody saying, "Well, why doesn't Trump meet with the bricks?" I said, "Well, he's talking to Lula. He's talking to Russia. He's talking to China. He's talking to India.
(29:11) He's got problems with South Africa at this point. Why do you need bricks? Why not just nation to nation to nation to nation and we figure out what's best? Why why can't the Trump administration just come out and lay this out, lay this all out and say, "Hey, here's what's going on." Uh because it's somewhat cryptic or it's imperceptible if you're not in the weeds as you are.
(29:36) What's the what's the danger of laying out or the opponents uh their their ways of operating particularly through time up to this point and then saying, "Hey, this is what's happened. this is what we're trying to do. Uh what why hasn't that happened? Because I feel like all of our lives a lot easier, right? Right. Um I you know I don't know why.
(30:02) I mean I know there's certain realities that people should just be conscious of. First of all, um I was with a group of people here in Michigan yesterday who supported Trump but are very unhappy about certain aspects of his policies as they've evolved and so on. And I said, "Look, I'm not trying to make an excuse, but I want you to understand something.
(30:20) At best, he controls his government at the level of the cabinet secretaries and maybe one level down. I think you get below that and you still have, you can call it whatever you want, the deep state firmly embedded. So, how much maneuvering room does he have to have to, you know, come out and just sort of bear it all?" But I think if you look at I I I think you're going to see more and more of a much clearer view of this.
(30:50) In fact, uh two days where where the administration, look, they're not going to call it the British and the city of London. I mean, Trump has to deal with nations, you know, and if he go has to go deal with Starmer, he'll go deal with him and he'll make nice with him, even though he may be undercutting the imperial policies that Starmer is um you know, beholden to.
(31:17) Uh so you're you're not going to have Trump come out and say, I I don't think come out and say it's the British. But what I think you're going to see increasingly is they are going to bring back much more of the focus on the globalist and the globalist institutions. Um and again if people read this new national security strategy document you're going to see over and over again attacking the globalist institutions or a couple of days ago uh the White House put out a very short beautiful statement on the anniversary of the Monroe Doctrine and I jotted down what it said. The American people not foreign nations or globalist institutions will control their own
(31:55) destiny. So, I I think that, you know, you're going to see this administration drawing the American people more and more into the real nature of the fight, um, which is these globalist institutions. And, you know, those of us out there who have, you know, a more a more, as I say, brandame version of it, we'll just keep educating people and showing them this is what this really means. Sup, freaks.
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(33:35) They accept Bitcoin via Strike. So go to slt.com/tc to get 15% off anything or simply just use the code TFTC when shopping at slt.com. Patented technology, special operations approved. It has free shipping as well. So go check it out. Well, you mentioned uh the layer which he probably has the most power is at the cabinet level.
(33:57) How would you compare his cabinet in his second term compared to the first? Do you think he learned a lot of lessons during his first term and four years? There's there's frankly nobody in this cabinet that I have seen a particularly large problem with. I mean some people look you have and you also have the Trump effect. Um, and and I see this here in Michigan where we have a bunch of people running for Congress and a bunch of people running for Senate and some of them have run before and frankly some of them have run really terrible campaigns and now you're seeing the ones who got any brains are running on Donald
(34:32) Trump's policies. That's the Trump effect. You know, did these people suddenly become better? I don't know. I hope so. But they Trump has has set a new standard. So, I think it's the same thing with the cabinet. I mean, I think there's some people who had different kinds of tendencies in the past where, you know, you could have said they were more neocon. Uh, I won't name names. I'll just let people draw their own conclusions.
(34:56) But I think what you're seeing is that they're loyal to Trump and uh they are working as a team and they get it that this is transformational. So I this cabinet is amazing. I mean, whether it's Lutnik, whether it's um uh the labor secretary, whether I mean, the the the biggest, you know, the biggest surprise for me is Scott Besson.
(35:21) Did I I ever think I would be cheering on a Treasury Secretary, you know, every Treasury Secretary that we've seen in my lifetime, you know, has just been a rubber stamp for Wall Street in the city of London. And this guy Besson gets it in terms of workers, main street, industry changing the direction of the country. Um he he gave a really excellent interview once where he said, you know, the Democratic strategy has always been compensate the losers.
(35:47) You know, we take away your jobs, we take away your livelihood, we take away your future, and we throw some money at you. And what did he say? He said, I don't think we're losers. I don't think these people are losers. It's the system that was broken. Think about that.
(36:04) A Treasury Secretary saying it's the system that was broken. I think everybody in Trump's cabinet understands that. Well, let's stay on Scott Bessant for a while because I think or not maybe not for a while, but just dig a little deeper because there's many I mean I come from uh the economic side of things. Um this is predominantly a Bitcoin show.
(36:22) I think a lot of the problems that exist in America today come from the fact that central bank banks have corrupted uh our money. And there are many, myself included, who think that the Treasury Secretary is arguably the most important cabinet position in any current administration when you consider the state of the economy and most importantly the state of the national debt.
(36:48) And similar to you, I wasn't too well aware of Scott Pent until the rumors started that he could be in the running for Treasury Secretary started looking into it and um even a year ago, but now more so it's like, okay, if there is going to be a guy in this position to try to reorient the American economy, this seems like an incredible candidate.
(37:10) Like how important is his position in your mind? I think it's really critical. Um, and I think it's really interesting. You know, Trump keeps saying, "I'd like him to be the Fed chairman." And Besson says, "No, I want to stay where I am." Because, frankly, he has more power as Treasury Secretary because Fed is just monetary tinkering. And a a chairman which is more amendable to what Trump is trying to do will be fine.
(37:35) Uh, you know, like whomever he picks. I mean, everyone's assuming it's going to be Hasser. um and we'll be able to ameliorate some of the damage that the Fed does. But at Treasury, you can actually do things. And very interesting interview that he did with uh Breitbart, I think it was, unless I'm getting my interviews confused. Um he recently did an interview at the Treasury.
(37:59) Um and they asked him, "What was the most surprising thing about you? You found out about the Treasury Secretary job." He said 40 to 50% of what I do is national security. Now part of that is tariffs, but then let's get back to drug money flows and you know Venezuela and offshore islands and so on.
(38:23) you know, you have somebody in that position who not only can play a role in terms of shaping economic policy to build up the industrial base of the United States again, but you have somebody in that position who actually knows what the enemy's financial operations are and is in a position to carry out financial warfare against it. Yeah, because you mentioned um the Cayman's and this I think I covered this in my newsletter earlier this year, but it's become more apparent that there there's definitely some dark money things going on in the Cayman Islands, particularly again bring this back to Scott Besson as it pertains to treasuries. There's sort
(38:59) of a black box of treasury holdings within the Caymans and a lot of people are suspecting that it is just a slush fund for these nefarious activities. I mean, depending on how you count them, one could argue that the Cayman Islands technically is the largest holder, foreign holder of treasuries in the world, surpassing Japan, the UK, and China, right? I mean, it could be.
(39:23) And, you know, people have to keep this into account. You know, we we have certain vulnerabilities. I mean, previous administrations through their insane policies have left the United States extremely vulnerable. I mean, let's just talk about rare earths. And obviously there's I mean look at what Trump did with China.
(39:41) Bought us a year so that we can actually start getting production going on in the United States. But you know you look at the enormous debt of the United States which is in the hands of other countries. So in a certain sense to get back to your other question why don't they just come out and say this? I I think they're taking a whole lot of very careful, deliberate steps to put the United States in a position where it can defend itself, where it can begin to extricate itself from this financier system.
(40:13) But this is not, you know, this is not the kind of thing where you just snap your finger and say, "Oh, bye-bye, city of London. We're on our own." Um, and I think this question of US Treasury holdings in other people's hands, you know, is is a big aspect of it.
(40:30) So, they have to have all of this in mind as they take each one of these steps. Yeah. So, that leads to a couple questions. First of which is who is on board with us? Obviously, you mentioned Russia, China, India, conversations happening over there. uh if they're acting sovereign maybe uh they will play ball in the sense it's like hey if you leave us alone we'll leave you alone and we'll do some trade intermittent not maybe not even intermittently we'll have good trade deals and you take care of the west obviously the national uh security memo that went out this morning real big focus on the western hemisphere
(41:06) um we don't want to get into these foreign wars across the world anymore really want to focus on our locality our geographic locality and the economy ies around us. Who in the Western Hemisphere in your mind is excited about this policy positioning? Well, obviously we've got Argentina um and the administration is clearly trying to influence things in Honduras.
(41:35) Uh you know, it's it's a it's a difficult relationship with Mexico and with many of these countries in Central and South America. I think people have to be cognizant of the fact that you have almost dual power situations, right? Where you have the narot traffick with as much if not more power than the governments. So governments have to take that into account.
(42:01) Um, you know, as they make their negotiations, which is why I think this whole attack on, you know, what friends of mine many years ago called Dope Incorporated, uh, this whole attack on the drug trafficking, the money flows that go with it, the terrorism that comes with it, that that's going to be foundational to creating a situation where there are where sovereign nations can actually act in their own interests. So I I think it's I think I think our hemisphere right now is a work in progress.
(42:27) Of course, we're not going to talk about Canada because that's in the hands of the central banker central banker Mark Carney. The Mark Carney and people I'm sure you've seen the documentary by John Titus All Plenaries. Um basically Mark Carney in the center of the HSBC Zeta cartel moneyaundering scheme and obviously he was the head of the Bank of England at one point.
(42:52) Um, yeah. The only the only the only foreigner to ever be head of the Bank of England. So, this man is trusted. And the fact that the Canadians welcomed him in with open arms to be their prime minister. Well, not a lot. Not all of them did. And it was one of those elections with a parliamentary system where where you look at the nuances of it, he really is not that he he doesn't have that much political support.
(43:16) And of course, there's the Western provinces are not happy. I mean, he's trying to tack in Trump world. So, you know, he's m he's doing certain concessions in terms of internal flows of energy, which you never had before to try and keep the Albertans happier that, you know, they've got some kind of economic development. But all of this is, I think, just biting time to continue to play his um his nefarious role uh you know, in in that circumstance.
(43:50) But at least he's honest because when he was at the ACSEAN summit about a month ago, he said the rulesbased liberal free trade order is over. They know it. They know Trump has ended it. And his job is to quietly try and figure out, well, how much can I sabotage it or how can I set up some kind of other operation? But among the smarter of these guys, or at least the ones that are getting their orders from the smarters of these guys, uh they know what they're up against with Trump.
(44:22) And it'll be always they always have a two-front attack. you know, the frontal attack, you know, all the political stuff that he's being hit with in terms of the boat strikes and everything else, you know, try and knock out the people he relies on the most like Hegath or Tulsi Gabbard or Cash Patel or whatever. Um, and then, you know, the quieter, okay, what are we what are we doing to try and undermine these policies economically and politically in the back room? Yeah.
(44:52) Well, sticking on the uh the narco boats getting taken out, I I think you had a really good explanation of what the second and third order effects uh of this are. And I think it's important to go over those with the audience who may be looking at this and saying, "Hey, we're just indiscriminately bombing people in the um in the Atlantic Ocean.
(45:13) What's going on here?" But to your point of Dope, Inc. being a big part of this. There could be a strategic reason for bombing these boats specifically in terms of the reaction and incites from from the narcos. Yeah. And uh uh I was listening to a a show the other day and one of the people a retired general uh Blaine I'm blocking on his last name. I think it's Halt.
(45:38) Um he made the point uh or maybe it was Ian Berlingim. I can't remember, but one of them made the point that you look at the that carrier group that's in the Caribbean, the USS Gerald Ford. Are they just there for firepower? Or think of the enormous electronic surveillance that you have.
(45:57) And think of what happens when you bomb one of those drug boats. you know, the the communications lines light up and they're tracking all of this stuff and putting together a map of how this Dope Incorporated operation works and tracing it back to bank accounts and tracing it back to individuals and and putting this entire map together.
(46:24) So, it's it's like they're hitting at the bottom level of this to illuminate how this thing operates, you know, at at the higher and higher levels. Um, and I think they're dead serious. And that gets back to Scott Besson saying 40 to 50% of what I do at Treasury is national security. Well, that's not just tariffs. That's this. Yeah. And so, how do you how do you think do you think the city of London uh notices that its back is against the wall and it's going to lay over or they're going to continue to do everything they can do? I mean, this thing around Hegsth and the bombing, I mean, if they could, they will try and,
(46:57) you know, turn this into impeachment territory and we've got plenty of weak Republicans. I don't know that they would ever push it to that point over the next year. But you can bet the, you know, the the key nodal point is the midterm elections.
(47:17) you know, we have to hold the House and hold the Senate and optimally increase our margins, which is hard in an off off-year election, and even harder make sure more of those Republicans are actually mega Republicans. Um, but that to me, the the battle over the next year is is going to be that because I think Trump will be able to continue to move legislatively.
(47:41) It'll be much more glacial than I mean, we got the big beautiful bill through and Trump was a genius to put all of it in one bill. Um, you know, maybe he can embarrass enough of these senators to get rid of the filibuster, but if he doesn't, I don't think you're going to see a whole lot going on legislatively.
(48:00) Um, you know, except on some of these 8020 issues where people will just burn their congressman and their senator's butts. um he'll continue to move in terms of executive orders in the presidency. I think we'll begin to see the effect of some of this economic restructuring.
(48:20) I think people will people will start to feel I mean if people are paying attention the price of eggs are down. The price of gas is down. You know the price of things that Trump has some control over are actually down. But people need to see jobs and they need to see, you know, a a real change in the standard of living. So that, you know, we're going to be in in quite a quite a tense, you know, year as we go into the midterm elections.
(48:45) But I think the big card for the city of London and the elites is they want to take this Congress away from Trump. And if they do that, I don't really know um what it will look like, but it won't be good. Well, to that point, like how critical for uh ensuring that we live in a free and sovereign country is this next year? Is it make or break? I think it's make or break.
(49:08) I mean, I think this is the equivalent of what Lincoln had to do to win the Civil War. If we had lost that Civil War or if Lincoln himself had not been elected in 1861, uh we wouldn't be sitting here in a great sovereign republic. we'd be a bunch of squabbbling bulanized states.
(49:30) Um, and I think that's I think the next year is absolutely critical. And you know what I do with my my shows, what I do with my political organizing is just try and and educate the MAGA movement so they understand the nature of this fight and not only can back up President Trump, but create much more of a bench in terms of people who are running for office at every level, who think this way, who understand this so that he's got much more maneuvering room and we've got a much better chance of keeping people in the MAGA coal. ition, not being diverted on all of this nonsense
(50:04) which is being spun up right now, Tucker versus Candace or whatever. Um, you know, and stay focused on what it is Trump is actually doing so that we have a a an electorate which is smart enough to make the right choices come next November. If you're looking at the polling day, it's not looking great right now.
(50:24) And it never does at this stage of the game. Uh, and I think I think the administration realizes they've got to sharpen the message on the economy. So, um, Peter Navaro was on Bannon week and a half ago and Bannon said, you know, did you jump the gun on the golden age? Like, it's not here, you know, it's coming.
(50:46) Um, and B and and U. Navara said, yeah, we got the memo. And so he's been doing, you know, on his Substack, he's doing really good educationals in terms of this is where inflation comes from in this sector and this is what we're doing. JD Vance, I think, is taking the point on a lot of this.
(51:05) And Trump is going on the road. That's that's the best way you can do it. You send the man out there to talk directly to the American people about how you actually recreate an actual American economy. And I think as that kicks in, we we'll see the poll numbers get back to something we can work with.
(51:29) Not that I necessarily trust polls all that much, but there's there's something out there. Yeah, it's uh how did you get into this in the first place? It's a really long story. Um I've been political pretty much since I was hatched. Um, uh, I campaigned for Bobby Kennedy Senior in 1968 and I was in California when he was shot. Um, so, uh, you know, I went I went through the the I I saw the devolution of the United States coming out of those assassinations.
(52:05) Um, and in the early 1970s, I ran into a man named Lyndon Larouche, who you or some of your viewers may be uh familiar with, who was a a physical economist and uh who pretty much saw where all of this was going. Uh was very much of a maverick. He passed away a few years ago and some of us took a different direction from those who are still affiliated with his widow, Helga Zeppel, who for legal reasons I have to say, I have nothing to do with.
(52:32) Um, but you know, I sort of have lived in the world of being in a maverick organization all my life. And then along comes Donald Trump. So that made it kind of easy. Well, I guess the last question I ask you is is economics, monetary, fiscal policy. I mean, there's many who believe I mean, bring it back to Scott Besson.
(52:54) He had the now infamous fireside chat at the Manhattan Institute um believe in July of 2024 in which he said, "Hey, there's a global economic reordering underway and I would like to be part of the team that is trying to advise the president on how to navigate this global monetary reordering." Uh what does the monetary system look at? There's a lot of talk that the perceived independence of the Fed, which is very handwavy, um is going to be completely demarcated and that the Treasury is going to take over monetary policy completely. Um what
(53:35) are you seeing in terms of the transition we have financially particularly how the monetary plumbing works if well yeah I think I mean Bessant just this week said you know we want to basically cut back the mission of the Fed and so on. I think to the extent that they can do things administratively, you know, through executive orders and so on, uh they they are going to try and, you know, reduce the negative impact of the Fed as much as possible.
(54:08) Um I but I think the interesting thing they're doing because everybody's looking over here at the Fed. Well, let's look over here at the alternate lines of financial flows that they're setting up. You know, when Trump first came in, he did put out an EO saying, "Let's look at a sovereign wealth fund.
(54:27) " I think what they've done is rather than one single new institution, first of all, they've got 18 to 20 trillion dollars of foreign investment coming into the United States, which is going to be directly channeled into productive investment, into steel plants, into ship building, into nuclear power. A lot of it will go into AI, but that means a lot of it needs to go into power generation and other things.
(54:51) So, it's sort of like they're just creating an alter alternative to the Fed. And there's institutions inside various departments which are kind of like little reconstruction finance corporations, especially in energy and others where they can again begin to channel credit into the real economy.
(55:12) I I think the important thing that they're doing, however they however far they can move in terms of restructuring things institutionally between the the Treasury and the Fed is just figuring out how do we start getting credit into the productive sector. And I think what they're doing is absolutely masterful.
(55:33) And it's not, oh, I'm going to introduce a bill tomorrow morning to get rid of the Fed. Yeah, you and what Congress is going to do that? you know, I mean, we're two, three cycles away from a Congress, I think, that would even consider something like that. Well, let's not ring our hands. Let's just figure out how do we get done what we need to get done.
(55:50) And I think as people begin to see, wait a minute, there's a different way to do this. This may still be over here, but over here, some really good stuff is happening. You begin to lay the political basis for perhaps ultimately getting rid of the Federal Reserve. Uh but again from where I sit politically, we're we're election cycles away from having an election cycle to do something like that.
(56:13) It's like people who say, "Well, get out of NATO." Yeah. Well, you and what? Congress. Congress has to approve that. You know, so so give give this administration credit for doing what they're doing, recognizing that there are certain things legislatively or institutionally they may not be able to do immediately. Yeah.
(56:32) So just take the ground that you can while it's there. There's a lot of it. There's a lot of it. When you actually want to do what Trump wants to do, which is reshore manufacturing, create real jobs, and stop the wars. There's a lot he can do without turning the switch off on either the Fed or NATO. Susan, this has been incredibly insightful. Um, thank you for your time.
(56:56) Before we leave, is there anything uh we didn't touch on that you think is pressing? any any final notes, words of wisdom? I would just say to your viewers, you know, what I said is this question of the midterms and it's really critical uh that people are informed, are active, are smart, uh are engaged as much as they possibly can with one single mission, which is we have to defend Donald Trump, whatever form that takes.
(57:25) And in some cases it may just be we just have to get the Republican elected whether he's good, bad, or indifferent. In other cases, it's going to be we're going to get a really good candidate. You know, this is, you know, this is battlefront decisions that people are going to have to make.
(57:44) But people have to be engaged politically and not just sitting there doomscrolling the latest social media scandal. And doom scrolling is very popular these days. bad for your and we we have an antidote for doomscrolling at prometheianaction.com. So I encourage people to head over there and see what we have to offer. We will link to that in the show notes. Again, Susan, thank you for your time. Thank you for your work.
(58:10) And hopefully we can do this at some point again in the future. Sure. Hope so, too. All right. Peace and love, freaks. Okay. Thank you for listening to this episode of TFTC. If you've made it this far, I imagine you got some value out of the episode. If so, please share it far and wide with your friends and family. We're looking to get the word out there.
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